Smolski (first deputy chief of the Belarusian armed forces General Staff) indicated in 2002 that Belarus should take part in peacekeeping and humanitarian operations in order "not to get behind in the world trends of the development of military science and the practice of applying armed forces" (BBC-MIR 2002a, par. 1). DPKO requires that in most cases, Member States pay for participating (DPKO 2006, 1). As for the financial expenses on the training of peacemaking forces, they will soon pay their way, Smolski said, adding that "the United Nations and the OSCE pay in hard currency and it is an extremely profitable affair for small states" (Ibid.).To this end, a unit of the 120th Mechanized Brigade has been relocated to a firing range in the vicinity of Barysaw. In line with the action plan to ensure the functioning of the regional force grouping, a mechanized rifle company from the Kantimirovskaya Guard Tank Division of the Moscow Military District is taking part in the exercises. This will allow Belarusian and Russian military to achieve operational cohesion. (Ibid., par. 2)
Nevertheless, it is puzzling why Belarus is interested on sending troops. Because in early 2005, Belarus was listed by the US as Europe's only remaining outpost of tyranny (BBC 2006g, par. 1).
Initial variables of the data collection process:
UN/UN peacekeeping policy reform
No record.
Perception of peacekeeping
There have been some peacekeeping activities showing a positive image of peacekeeping. Smolski stated that Belarus should take part in peacekeeping and humanitarian operations in order "not to get behind in the world trends of the development of military science and the practice of applying armed forces" (BBC-MIR 2002a, par. 1). Many other countries have started participating sharing Smolski’s opinion.
Domestic political environment
The Republic of Belarus is a titular democracy with near-autocratic power vested in the presidency (EIU 2006f, 4). Alyaksandar Lukashenko has served as president of Belarus since July 1994 and has increasingly concentrated power in the presidency (Ibid.). Although opposition parties exist, they are marginalized and have no representation in official bodies (Ibid.). Belarus has been ruled with an increasingly iron fist since 1994 by President Alexander Lukashenko (BBC 2006g, par. 2). Opposition figures are subjected to harsh penalties for organizing protests (Ibid.). In early 2005, Belarus was listed by the US as Europe's only remaining outpost of tyranny (Ibid.).
Lukashenko will retain control of the political scene by using tough measures to suppress political opposition, as well as populist policies to keep key constituents on side (EIU 2006bc, 1). Belarus will continue to be isolated from the West in 2007-08 (Ibid.).
Domestic economic environment
Lukashenko pursues a policy of pervasive state involvement in the economy (EIU 2006f, 20). He has by and large followed this course since the early years of his presidency in the mid-1990s, when he announced as “the paramount goal of his administration” the return to a Soviet-style economic system as seen in the late 1980s (Ibid.).
Also, Belarus has intentions of employing its troops as peacekeepers. On 2005, Belarusian Deputy Defence Minister Lieutenant-General Sergey Gurulev and Ukraine's Chief of General Headquarters of Armed Forces Colonel-General Serhiy Kyrychenko discussed the training and employment of peacekeeping contingents on Friday (Ukraine News 2005, par. 1).Nevertheless, this has brought new dilemmas on its economic policy. Because unlike in most other transition economies in the region, Lukashenka has not encouraged any sort of restructuring of the state-dominated system, or promotion of the private sector. Instead, the Lukashenka administration bases its economic policy on consistent support for and preservation of large and obsolete state-controlled enterprises. (Ibid.)
Military affairs
Belarus briefly became a nuclear power in its own right with the collapse of the Soviet Union (EIU 2006f, 13).
However, all tactical nuclear weapons were withdrawn to Russia in the wake of the formation of the CIS, and the constitution now defines Belarus as a non-aligned, non-nuclear country. In 1993 the Belarusian parliament ratified the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START-1), the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the 1992 Lisbon Protocol. Under the Lisbon Protocol, Belarus pledged to become a non-nuclear state and to adhere to the former Soviet Union’s START-1 obligations. (Ibid.)
Defence policy is closely coordinated with Russia (Ibid., 14). Military co-operation between Russia and Belarus was already relatively well developed before the 1999 Union Treaty (Ibid.).
Foreign policy
Belarus helped to found CIS at the time of independence in 1991 and since then has remained strongly supportive of measures to integrate the post-Soviet region more closely (Ibid., 11). This foreign policy focus on Russia became even more pronounced after Lukashenko’s election to the presidency in 1994, and culminated in the 1999 Union Treaty with Russia (Ibid., 12).
This treaty envisages the creation of a union state with a supranational legislative body, and close co-ordination of defence, economic and monetary policies. The treaty does not provide for the full incorporation of Belarus into Russia, but instead unambiguously reconfirms the continued sovereignty of both states. Russia’s interests are served by the defence provisions of the treaty, which allow it to use Belarus’ extensive military infrastructure and station Russian forces on NATO’s eastern border. (Ibid.)
The US similarly refused to accept the legitimacy of the post-1996 legislature, and has strictly limited contacts with the Lukashenko administration (Ibid.).
In April 2004 the US secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice, voiced strong criticism of Belarus, calling it "the last remaining dictatorship in Europe". In the wake of the 2006 presidential election, the US led international condemnation of the repression faced by the democratic opposition. Annoyed by attacks on his regime’s legitimacy, Lukashenko has adopted an antagonistic stance towards the West. Since the late 1990s he has shown little interest in warmer ties. (Ibid.)
Additional variables found after the preliminary analysis:
Climate changes
No record.
Independent negotiations taken by DPKO to seek troops
No record.
Independent negotiations taken by contributor countries to engage non-contributor countries
The plan of bilateral cooperation between the defence ministries of Belarus and Ukraine for 2002 envisages the study by Belarusian military leaders of Ukrainian peacekeeping forces' experience of participating in international operations under the United Nations flag (BBC-MIR 2002a, par. 1).
In some countries, the national constitutions do not allow participation in UN peace operations. But in the case of Belarus "our law currently in force does not provide for Belarusian army contingents' participation in such operations, but the situation may soon change and we should be prepared for this," Stanislaw Smolski, first deputy chief of the Belarusian armed forces General Staff, told Belapan. (Ibid.)
"We would like to learn more about Ukraine's experience in this sphere”, Sergey Gurulev said. In his words, the two countries need to expand military co-operation. In response, Kyrychenko noted, the Ukrainian delegation would like to be informed about the reform carried out in the Belarusian armed forces. He said Ukrainian Defence Minister Anatoly Hrytsenko was due to visit Belarus in November. (Ibid.)
Meetings organized by other international organizations to engage in dialogue about peacekeeping
No record.
